When I wrote, 7 years ago “Believe in the bin“, I did not mean Count Binface. Nigel Farage is back where he belongs in the Commons, and damn the lot of them for trying to oust him. They may do so again.
A week or so has passed, and the brief excitement with it, and we are deep within the Silly Season, albeit without the usual, welcome silliness. Soon the politicians will return to ruin things again, and if we go by experience, they will have learned nothing, from Clacton any more than from any reality. The sights will be trained, with malice aforethought.
(In the meantime, thank the good folk of Clacton that Jonathan Harvey was not sent to Parliament, with or without his bin. Whatever one may say about Nigel, he is serious, and while we have had a brilliant comedy writer in Parliament before, Jonathan is still no Boris.)
The targeted investigation of Mr Farage is still live. I have no reason to question the integrity of Daniel Greenberg, the Standards Commissioner – he has had an honest career built on a moral bedrock, which puts him far ahead of many who have been chosen for a task hitherto distinguished as ‘assassin in chief’. When though one is employed specifically to find faults, some will be found. A committee of the Commons can then turn all molehills into mountains (or level them out if it is against one of their own). The process is designed to look fair to an outsider but by design is the very opposite, as has been examined here before.
Whatever makes up the Establishment, state, media, ivory-towers and all, they have had a noble mission since the War, which is ‘Hunt the Hitler’. Any new political movement outside their control may be the conduit for a new Bohemian Corporal. That is a worthy aim, but to accuse an innocent man for being a new Hitler is a foul slander, and to use the mechanisms developed for ‘Hunt the Hitler’ and use then to squash any change in the established order is an abuse, and a negation of democracy.
That abuse is live and working. To some extent it is understandable: in Weimar Germany the established powers thought that if they just allowed Hitler to play at being Reichskanzler then they could control him. It was not to be. Fear of that loss of control is there.
But this is not 1933 and Nigel is not Adolf. He is a level-headed, clever man, subtle of design and intelligent. If there is a justified fear, it is the body of Reform UK: we may find that its members are the drawn from same discontented wildmen and angry-men-down-the-pub that left UKIP as the loony fringe. This is the body of the party. (If I had a car with bodywork like that, I would take it back to the farage.) The question is not whether the Establishment can control Farage, but whether Farage can control his new MPs. Bah – the Establishment can get lost: they have failed in everything for decade upon decade.
The sensible party remains the Conservatives, but they have been hindered and have failed for decades too: in essence, it was the failures of the Blob which pushed the one sensible party into practical extinction in the polls and caused the rise of the one they fear.
The assassination procedure then remains live. The Clacton by-election should have killed, but it has not. The procedure (to recap) is an investigation by the Standards Commissioner, who places a report before a Committee. The Committee can then ignore it or make of it as they will to pass sentence on the accused: in Boris’s case they blatantly invented a new retrospective rule by which to to convict him. The sentence is not expulsion, but a suspension long enough to trigger a by-election – a by-election at which nominally hands authority in the matter to the electorate, by asking “This man is a convicted criminal in our eyes – do you want to re-elect such a man?” It is not designed to allow a censured MP back.
For Nigel, they should say “the ultimate decision in our procedure is putting it to te electorate and that has been done, so we withdraw”, but this is politics, and no logic applies. The result may be to pull the control rod out of Reform UK and cause a meltdown. No one should want that.
I will not vote Reform – I am sticking with the sensible party, hopeless as they have been. I will cheer though, and gladly join in, when they use all their authority to extirpate the rotten establishment from their places, if they can. I just hope that actual sensible people take their place, if there are enough of us, although actual sensible people stay out of politics and the state, to work in real jobs. That perhaps is where the real failure arises.
See also
- The shadow of John Wilkes
- Honest, Georgian elections
- Gorton Bennett, what was that?
- A very cold morning
Books
- The Demon in Democracy: Totalitarian Temptations in Free Societies by Ryszard Legutko
- William Pitt The Elder: a biography by William Hague
- Pistols at Dawn: Two Hundred Years of Political Rivalry from Pitt and Fox to Blair and Brown by John Campbell
- Politics in the Age of Fox, Pitt and Liverpool by John W Derry
- The Madness of Crowds: Gender, Race and Identity by Douglas Murray
- 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos, by Jordan B Peterson
- Woke: A Guide to Social Justice by Titania McGrath
- Political Correctness Gone Mad?, by Jordan B. Peterson, Stephen Fry, Michael Eric Dyson and Michelle Goldberg
- An Utterly Impartial History of Britain by John O’Farrell
- 1000 Years of Annoying the French by Stephen Clarke
- By Thomas Hobbes in the Civil War and Restoration era: